MAY ELECTION STILL OPEN
Many, if not most pundits and polls are saying Labor will win the 2022 Australian election. But as voters increasingly realise that the difference between the captured principal parties is little different from that between Tweedledum and Tweedledee, they may increasingly look elsewhere.
This capture could have been avoided if at Federation our second prime minister, Alfred Deakin, had not rejected SA Premier Charles Kingston’s plan to make politicians accountable 24/7, as in Switzerland. Deakin argued that the Westminster system ensured accountability. Little did he know that the Australian version would be increasingly corrupted, from faking Question Time to the Caucus Rule and its Coalition equivalent which require conformity and which forced Craig Kelly out of the Liberal Party. This blatantly strips MP’s of the quality for which the great constitutionalist Burke said they are chosen, their judgement.
The ultimate corruption has been the parties’ capture by backroom powerbrokers wielding control and leveraging rivers of gold. And while Labor always suffered from communist infiltration, who would have thought that what Gerard Henderson aptly named ‘Menzies’ Child’ would be infiltrated by LINOs, Liberals In Name Only too many of whom would apply Marxist policies from office.
All this has enabled the political class to extend bipartisan support to alien dogmas which serve malevolent foreign interests and which so damage our nation. Prominent among these is the discredited theory of man-made global warming, with net zero emissions (NZE) certain to do even greater harm than the foolish surrender by the political class of our great comparative advantage over other nations — cheap and reliable electricity.
While having no impact at all on the weather, NZE will only benefit Beijing’s genocidal thugs, associated Western billionaires and a political class who have sold out to them.
Bipartisan support for policies against the national interest is nothing new. The Coalition has long followed the Hawke government’s ban on any serious harvesting of water. So instead of the widespread development of Australia, all the political class offers is the ugly and unbearable overcrowding of Sydney, Melbourne and South East Queensland.
Both sides have long indulged in the misappropriation of the defence acquisitions budget for political purposes, and both are responsible for the disastrous decline in educational standards.
When the Wuhan virus, engineered by Beijing, with financial assistance from Dr Anthony Fauci, caused a world-wide pandemic, both sides foolishly abandoned all the advantages which flow from being a remote island nation. Instead, they followed the corrupt and disastrous Fauci strategy of total reliance on inaccurate modelling, quarantining the healthy in seriously damaging lockdowns, and the total suppression of proven and highly successful forms of early treatment using inexpensive, safe medicines endorsed by the world’s leading scientists, including Nobel laureates. Indeed, several conclude that most US deaths were due to Fauci’s suppression, on one estimate some 500,000 souls.
Early treatment was replaced in Australia by an obsessive total reliance on the pharmaceutical oligopoly’s inadequately tested novel vaccines which only received emergency authorisation in the US on the fiction that no early treatment was available.
And when, notwithstanding earlier indications to the contrary by the Prime Minister, politicians moved to mandate vaccination, strong rank-and-file opposition began to emerge, with demonstrations especially in Melbourne, some larger than even those during the Vietnam war.
Among those parties opposed to the de facto united front between the principal parties on a range of anti-Australian issues, the United Australia Party (UAP) seems to enjoy some, but not all, of the advantages which allowed Donald Trump to take the presidency.
Like Trump, the UAP enjoys — thanks to Clive Palmer — the resources necessary to conduct a major campaign. If successful, the UAP could be well-placed to build a coalition between like-minded parties and individuals.
And in Craig Kelly, the UAP party has a principled leader with an agenda significantly different from those of the major parties. In a long three-part interview for the Epoch Times, he answered all questions (of which he had no notice) fluently and without reference to notes. His basic honesty, the fact that he had thought a lot about the issues and is well-informed, as well as the fact that he was never a career politician, stand out. He comes across as a man of the people.
However, Trump had three advantages Kelly does not.
First, Trump had the great advantage of gaining preselection from an existing party, the Republicans, but only because it is democratic and non-member registered supporters can vote.
Second, America does not have compulsory voting which gives greater weight to the passionate voter and makes the disinterested voter ineffective. (This is surely a good reason to be rid of compulsory voting.)
Third, the US media, who expected him to lose, treated Trump as newsworthy. (When he won, they tried to destroy him. More on that is being revealed in the Durham investigation.) So far, the Australian media have ignored or downplayed Kelly. The first Newspoll to report the UAP vote separately , on 1 March 2022, registers this nationwide at 4%. Yet in a September Redbridge poll of three western Sydney electorates, the UAP recorded an extraordinary 19% primary vote. If this is an indication of the momentum Kelly has given the campaign, the UAP is a serious contender in the House.
With politics now as much an oligopoly as the pharmaceutical industry or social media, Australia deserves more than a Tweedledum/Tweedledee choice.
The prospects for multiple voting were greatly facilitated by the Hawke government ‘reforms’. These were introduced ‘to make voting easier’, not that anybody seriously complained that voting was difficult. One ‘reform’ was to abolish the requirement that voters cast their vote in a nearby prescribed subdivision rather than in any polling station in the electorate. Once I was required to vote in a nearby school. Now there are over fifty places where I can vote. Extraordinarily, none are not connected digitally. The explanation from politicians whose principal function is to waste billions, is cost.
As to voting for the dead, a trustworthy colleague, who used to work for a very well-known union, told me he used to see the receptionist every morning cutting up the back page of the Sydney Morning Herald. He found out later that these were all funeral notices which were carefully filed. On election day, union officials would be directed to certain marginal electorates to arrange voting in the names of the deceased.
According to one anecdote, when Minister Joe Riordan lost Phillip in 1975, Gough Whitlam remarked, with exasperation:
‘Comrade, Comrade. To lose an electorate in which there is one cemetery may be explicable, but to lose one in which there are two, is unforgivable.’’
As to fake enrollments, the best time to do this is in the week following the calling of an election. This is when there is a tsunami of enrollments which the AEC cannot possibly check. John Howard legislated in 2006 to stop this fraud by closing the rolls on the day the election is called.
But in the GetUp! Case, just before the 21 August 2010 election, two plaintiffs, both clearly in breach of the law concerning enrollment or notifying a change of address, were given extraordinarily favourable treatment by the High Court. Ignoring the old maxim about coming to the court with clean hands, their case was heard urgently on 4 and 5 August. The following day the Court announced, without revealing its reasons, that the Howard legislation was unconstitutional. GetUp! boasted that, as a result, an additional 100,000 names went onto the rolls which, they said, saved the Gillard government. The High Court released its decisions just before Christmas. Anybody who noticed, learned that it was the closest of judgments, 4:3. I am not alone in concluding that you can turn the Constitution inside out, without finding any justification for this decision.
What is desperately needed are not only reasonable ID requirements. There should be a digital roll (not digital voting) where, when a name is crossed off, it is crossed off everywhere ─ the same old technology long used for every credit card. Enrollment should require proof of identity similar, say, to opening a bank account. Both presenting identification and enrolling should be videoed. Except in closely verified special cases, voting should be on one day so that all the nation has heard and seen all aspects of the campaign.
As we used to vote, even in wartime.
Only these steps will end this national disgrace.
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Professor David Flint AM is an emeritus professor of law and was chairman of the Australian Broadcasting Authority and the Australian Press Council, president of the National Federation of the English Speaking Union, Associate Commissioner with the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission and convenor of the Committee of Australian Law Deans. He has been National Convenor of Australians for Constitutional Monarchy since the 1999 referendum campaign. He has authored books on topics such as the media, international economic law and on the Constitution. At Barcelona in 1991 he received a World Jurist Association award as World Outstanding Legal Scholar. He was made a Member of the Order of Australia in 1995. His Good Sauce show,Take Back Your Country, discusses the problems and solutions to the decay of federalism and democracy.
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